Why is the Indian Army uniformly olive green

Significant revolutionary turmoil erupted in both kingdoms in the last decade of the Thirty Years' War, when tension between France and Spain reached its climax in their struggle for hegemony in Europe. In the Kingdom of Spain, this uprising began in Catalonia and Portugal in 1640, a few months apart.

From 1640 onwards, Catalonia and Portugal, two peoples with a strong historical awareness, fought for their liberation from the supremacy of Castile. Nevertheless, the events that took place around the middle of the 17th century cannot be attributed to this striving for independence alone: ​​in both countries, but especially in Catalonia, a large part of the population, especially members of the ruling class, remained loyal to King Philip IV. On the other hand, there was considerable social unrest in Catalonia, especially at the beginning of the so-called War of the Reapers (katal. Segadors). The political unrest in Portugal, which led to the Restoration (Port. Restauraçao) of a ruling dynasty from their own country, was, however, accompanied by less social tensions. The uprisings of 1640 against the court of Madrid, which were immediately supported by France, contributed decisively to the fall of power of the Spanish imperial bloc. In addition to the effects on the development of the war in Europe and on the peace negotiations in Munster, the hostilities that began in 1640 also had a fundamentally national dimension. Both aspects have left deep marks in the collective memory of both the Catalans and the Portuguese and also influenced the attitudes of non-Catalan Spaniards towards the Catalans and Portuguese and vice versa.

According to the majority of chroniclers of the time of Philip IV, the Spanish monarchy was founded by the Catholic kings, Isabella of Castile and Ferdinand of Aragon, a monarchy composed of different historical areas and constitutionally pluralistic monarchy, whose different areas each had their own administrations and laws. With the marriage of Isabella and Ferdinand, two unequal kingdoms were united. [2] Castile, on the one hand, was a large and densely populated area with a single political structure; from 1492 the kingdom of Granada and the American colonies were also part of the kingdom. After its conquest by Ferdinand the Catholic in 1512, a large part of Navarre - to which France also claimed - was incorporated into the Kingdom of Castile and received a special legal order. The Kingdom of Aragon, on the other hand, was structurally a confederation (Catalonia was part of this confederation) and had exerted considerable influence on the Western Mediterranean from the early Middle Ages.

Even before the son of Philip the Handsome and grandson of the Catholic Kings as Charles V was elected Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation, another bloc of states came under Spanish rule through the inheritance of Philip the Handsome: the Netherlands and the rest of the Burgundian Empire Areas. The feeling of togetherness in this union of peoples and states was based on dynastic loyalty to the Habsburgs and, with the exception of the northern part of the Netherlands, membership of Catholicism.

The Kingdom of Portugal and its important overseas possessions in Africa, East Asia and Brazil were transferred to Philip II of Spain in 1580/1581 after the death of the young Portuguese King Sebastian in the Battle of Alcázarquivir (Arabic: Alkassar-el-Kebir) in 1580/1581 . After the brief reign of Cardinal Heinrich, who died without a child, Philip II asserted his right to the Portuguese throne as the son of Isabella of Portugal, the second eldest daughter of Emanuel I. But since there were other heir apparent [3], he underlined his claim militarily. In 1581 he was sworn in by the Cortes (assembly of estates) of Tomar as King of Portugal and promised to respect all laws of the kingdom. However, there was never any real recognition of Philip II and his successors by the Portuguese people. The myth of "Sebastianism", the hope of the return of the knightly king who perished in the fight against the Moors, contributed to the feeling of national identity in Portugal. [5]

Philip IV was, according to the solemn documents of the Catholic Chancellery, the King of Spain or Spain [6] as well as Count of Barcelona and King of Portugal, the Algarve, Castile, Leon, Aragon, Valencia and Granada, Lord of Biscay etc. The then valid theory of the state expected that the king should rule over each of his kingdoms as if he were only king of this one. However, its almost permanent absence and the growing identification of the Habsburgs with their Castilian environment were not without consequences: although the Spanish monarchy was pluralistic in theory, in practice it was dominated by a predominantly Castilian ruling class.

During the reign of Philip IV, his confidante, Gaspar de Guzmán, Conde Duque de Olivares, and pioneer of Catholic neo-imperalism in Spain, planned to increase the power of the crown through a series of reforms [7]: Instead of being king of different areas, should Philip IV, following the example of Castile, rule over a united Spain. One of his greatest projects was the Arms Union (1625), which stipulated that each kingdom should contribute a certain number of soldiers and a certain amount of money to the defense of the remaining areas. In return, state offices would be filled without making the regional origin of the respective candidates a criterion. This standardization aimed at with the arms union was rejected by Catalonia. The alienation between the ruling class of Catalonia, advocates of a constitutional alliance, and Philip IV showed itself at the Catalan parliamentary assemblies of 1626 and 1632. [8] The considerable distance from the Madrid court also limited the possibility of the Catalan nobility to participate in royal favor to be able to. Since 1620 there has also been a point of dispute between the powerful Consell de Cent (city council) ruling Barcelona and the crown regarding the payment of the quintos (the fifth part of the taxes collected). In addition, the Diputació del General de Catalunya (Assembly of Deputies of Catalonia), the standing committee of the Cortes of the Principality of Catalonia and the Counties of Roussillon and Cerdagne, had repeatedly complained to the king about the violation of the Catalan constitutions by the various viceroys. [9]

The open intervention of France since 1635 in the Thirty Years War, allied with the Dutch and Swedes against the Habsburg bloc, presented the Madrid government with new fronts and challenges. Taxes continued to rise and the funds used to collect them often violated the constitutions of both Catalonia and Portugal. [10] With the French conquest of Salses in 1639, Catalonia became a theater of war between France and Spain. The struggle for the county of Roussillon, located in the northern Pyrenees - one of the primary goals of Louis XIII. and Richelieus - required the billeting of many Terzios Philip IV. in northern Catalonia. The arrogant and often brutal behavior of this army in the villages that had to provide housing for it led to great displeasure among the peasants [11], which the Catalan rulers sometimes concealed, but often also openly expressed. The conflicts between the peasants and the royal troops increased in intensity and extent. From a Catalan point of view, they even received religious legitimacy when the soldiers of Philip IV desecrated the church of Riudarenas and the bishop of Gerona excommunicated the perpetrators.

In the spring of 1640, the social tensions and the general rejection of the "Castilian" army, together with the constitutional conflicts that had been pending for some time, led to a pre-revolutionary situation in Catalonia. [12] The uprising then began in Barcelona, ​​the capital of the principality, in two phases: On May 22, more than 2,000 insurgents came to the city, which the Consellers (councils) neither wanted nor could prevent, and freed Francesco Tamarit , Member of the Generalitat of Catalonia, from prison arrested on March 18th on the orders of Olivares. The insurgents shouted "Visca la fé!" [Long live the faith], "Visca le rey" [Long live the king] and "muyran los traydors y el mal gobern" [Death to the traitors and the bad government]. However, the 7th of June 1640, the feast of Corpus Christi, achieved legendary fame in Catalonia from then on known as the "Corpus de Sang" [Corpus of the Blood]. [13] On that day, great flocks of reapers (segadors) used to come to Barcelona in search of work. This time, however, armed insurgents came along with them and, despite the efforts of various representatives of the Church and councils to settle the conflict, the first deaths occurred. When the rumor got around that one of the councilors had been killed by the servants of a high royal officer, the people's anger was directed against some ministers of the Audiencia (the most important court and council that supports the king in Catalonia) and also reached the Catalan viceroy, the Count of Santa Coloma who was stabbed to death trying to escape. The reapers ruled the city for a few days. Both in Barcelona and in some areas of Catalonia, the popular revolt against the rich was accompanied by hostility towards the representatives of the Castilian government. Although the Catalan authorities were able to calm the situation in the city, one question remained unanswered: How would events in Catalonia develop and how would Madrid react to the news of the death of the governor Philip IV?

There was a time of tense waiting. The ruling class of Catalonia tried not to completely break the bridges to the Madrid court. They expressed their regret over the death of Santa Coloma, but stressed the legitimacy of the defense of the Catalans against the attacks of the royal army. At the same time, they recalled the constitutional violations committed by the king's ministers, but blamed the Conde Duque de Olivares for them. In Madrid, news of the viceroy's death led to serious unrest. The administration of the king in Catalonia had failed, especially after the unexpected death of the new viceroy of Catalonia, the Duke of Cardona, a member of the Catalan aristocracy, who took office on June 20, 1640. After long disputes in the advisory bodies, the government decided in October to send an army to Catalonia. While this army marched slowly against Barcelona under the leadership of the new viceroy, the Marquis of Los Vélez, a historical, juridical and propagandistic polemic began. On the Generalitat of Catalonia's side, among the clergy and lawyers, Gaspar Sala Berart and Francesc Martí Viladamor deserve special mention. The latter emphasized in his "Noticia Universal de Catalunya" the importance of the constitutional pact and defended the right of the Catalans to freely choose their king and, if necessary, to transfer their allegiance to another. [14]

In this tense situation, Canon Pau Claris [15], President of the General Assembly of Catalonia, took the lead. Under his chairmanship, a junta de Braços (committee of the imperial estates) representing the national community of Catalonia was convened, which met on September 16, 1640 to decide on the policy of the principality in view of the possible attack by the Spanish army [16]. These corts (assembly of estates) gave the social unrest a certain turning point and institutional support. Claris was aware that he needed military help and negotiated with Richelieu, who also immediately sent him auxiliary troops. [17]

The news of the capture of the city of Tarragona by the army of Philip IV and the atrocities that took place in Cambrils led to a renewed outbreak of popular anger in Barcelona. Faced with the impending social revolution on the one hand and the proximity of the royal troops on the other, the Catalan leaders saw the only way out to place themselves under the protection of France. After the unsuccessful attempt to establish a Catalan republic under French protection, the Junta de Braços decided on January 23, 1641, Louis XIII. to be recognized as Count of Barcelona and thus as ruler of Catalonia. However, the exact wording of this agreement was set out several months later in the Treaty of Péronne, signed on September 19 of the same year, listing the "pacts and conditions under which the General Assembly of the Principality of Catalonia [...] the Principality and the Subordinate counties of Roussillon and Cerdagne to the King of France and which must be included in the oath that His Majesty and his successors must take at the beginning of their rule. " [18]

On January 26, 1641, the troops of the Marquis of Los Vélez tried to conquer the Montjuich mountain, which dominates Barcelona, ​​but were repulsed by the Catalan and French troops. So the break between Catalonia and Philip IV became final and at the same time dashed Madrid's hopes for a quick end to the rebellion in Catalonia. Paradoxically, a few hundred Catalan nobles and Portuguese soldiers fought on the side of Philip IV on Montjuich. [19] It is very likely that they had not yet heard of the great event that took place in Lisbon on December 1, 1640: the relatively peaceful proclamation of the Duke from Braganza to King of Portugal. This proclamation came as a surprise to Spain - up to a certain point - [20], especially to Viceroy Margaret of Savoy, widow of the Duke of Mantua and granddaughter of Philip II. Nevertheless, as we shall see in a moment, the discontent of the Portuguese had grown already made noticeable with the Spanish government.

From 1630, especially towards the end of summer and autumn 1637, popular revolts against the taxation planned by Olivares had broken out in the city of Evora (and in almost all of the Alentejo, the Algarve and the Ribatejo). The Madrid government feared that the most important noble of Portugal, the eighth Duke of Braganza, could join the rebels. However, the Duke was unwilling to interfere in the conflict. Like other Portuguese nobles, he also rejected the invitation of the Conde Duque de Olivares to meet with the Portuguese clergy and nobility in Madrid in the summer of 1638. Some, however, did so. Encouraged by this assembly, Philip IV decided to abolish the Council of Portugal, a body that preserves the specific identity of the kingdom. Although much of the Portuguese nobility had integrated well into the Spanish system, there were others who were dissatisfied with the arrogance of the Olivares government and its lack of respect for existing institutions. In addition, the Portuguese had another reason for dissatisfaction with the Spanish regime: It was increasingly unable to defend the great Portuguese empire in the Atlantic and Indian Oceans against the Dutch [22] and could not compensate for the economic losses.

The news of the outbreak of the rebellion in Catalonia in June 1640 and the instruction from Madrid to the Portuguese to take part in the crackdown appear to have accelerated preparations in Portugal for the overthrow of the Spanish government. On October 12, 1640, an assembly of Portuguese nobles that met in Lisbon offered the crown of Portugal to the Duke of Braganza. Since this - albeit out of wedlock - descended from the founder of the Avis dynasty, John I, he had a clear special position among the Portuguese nobles and could represent the center of the proto-nationalist legitimism of Portugal. He also had an enormous fortune.

On December 1, 1640, a group of conspirators stormed the Viceroy's palace in Lisbon without much violence. One of the victims was the hateful secretary of the viceroy, Miguel de Vasconcelos, who fell badly injured from the window and was left to the anger of the people. With the exclamation "liberdade, Portugueses" (Freedom, Portuguese) and "viva El Rey Don Joao IV" (Long live King John IV), the Duke of Braganza was proclaimed King of Portugal with the name John IV. Although the people of Lisbon, unlike the "Corpus de Sang" in Barcelona, ​​did not have a significant part in this overthrow, it was only possible because of the silent tolerance, if not sympathy, of the people.[23]

On December 15th, the solemn, official proclamation of the Duke of Braganza as king took place in the Portuguese capital. On December 28, the Cortes of the Portuguese Restauraçao [24] met and constitutionally ratified the appointment of the king, who then took the oath on Portuguese law. From a constitutional point of view, the Cortes consolidated their influence over tax legislation and their role as representatives of the kingdom and all of its territories, for in a sense Portugal saw itself as a republic of republics. According to the official interpretation, which is also expressed in the contemporary "Braganzist" press, the rightful dynasty and freedom of Portugal had been restored. [25] The remaining cities of Portugal joined Lisbon. In the overseas possessions, the king was recognized in various phases, from February 1641 in Brazil to September 1641 in India. [26] A failed conspiracy under the leadership of the Archbishop of Braga and some nobles reaffirmed the new Portuguese government.

In establishing the legitimacy of the change of dynasty in Portugal, the sermons and warnings of the priests were of great importance. [27] Among the religious orders and congregations, the Jesuit order deserves special mention because of its clear identification with the Restauraçao. A representative of this order, Father Ignacio de Mascarenhas, was elected to deliver an address of solidarity to the Catalan Assembly of Deputies and then to ask France for help. His arrival in Barcelona on the day of the Battle of Montjuich (January 26th, 1646) was greeted with great joy by the Catalans. A little later the Generalitat sent the messengers Jacint Sala and Rafael Cervera to Lisbon to ask for help from there. [28] This is good evidence that Portugal and Catalonia were aware of their interdependence in their struggle to maintain their identity with the Spanish monarchy. The fact that the two Catalan ambassadors entered the service of Philip IV in Lisbon the following year is, on the other hand, a sign of the dichotomy within the rebel ruling classes (more in the Catalan than in the Portuguese) regarding the break with the king from Spain. [29]

But despite the great symbolic importance of the mutual support of restored Portugal and Catalonia by Pau Clarís, the future of both countries depended mainly on the attitude of the great powers rivaling the Spanish king (France under Richelieu and the Netherlands allied with France) and the luck of the Spanish armies on the battlefields. Philip IV had to fight on two fronts on the Iberian Peninsula, but he attached greater importance to the recovery of Catalonia, as this was the border with his archenemy France. The Portuguese uprising faded into the background. Catalonia was a highly competitive area. For example, the city of Lérida, which is closest to the Kingdom of Aragon, was fought several times before and during the peace negotiations in Münster. These negotiations were made possible by the resignation of two main characters: Richelieu died in December 1642 and the Conde Duque de Olivares had to resign the following January. The more flexible attitude of the king's new confidante, Luis de Haro, and the solemn oath of Philip IV on the Catalan constitutions after his victorious entry into Lérida in 1644 - including his promise of a general pardon - opened up new perspectives for the ruling class in Catalonia made possible the reconciliation of the two countries.

However, the French monarchy was also involved in Catalonia. [30] After the recovery of Roussillon had succeeded, Mazarin did not consider it impossible to come into possession of the entire Principality of Catalonia. [31] Dr. Josep Fontanella, the delegate of the deputation of Catalonia and Barcelona in Munster, knew this very well - he had been sent to Munster to advise the French delegates on Catalan affairs and to protect Catalonia's interests. [32] Also in the vicinity and under the protection of the French delegation, the representatives of John IV were in Westphalia, Luis Pereira de Castro and Francisco de Andrade Leitao in Munster and Rodrigo Botelho de Morais in Osnabrück, who after his death by Cristovao Soares de Abreu was replaced. [33] Under strong pressure from Philip IV's ambassadors, the mediators, especially the papal nuncio Fabio Chigi, did not consider it appropriate to formally recognize the representatives of Portugal and Catalonia. The future of these two states became a sujet brûlant during the negotiations in Munster, to which various proposals were made, depending on the state of the fighting. An incorrect assessment of the situation in Madrid and Paris - both governments were of the opinion that they could bring their opponents to their knees with an additional effort - meant that the peace treaties negotiated in Munster did not extend to the Spanish monarchy and the Kingdom of France.

As for Catalonia, the beginning of the Fronde in France in 1648 made it very difficult to pay the troops stationed in Catalonia to fight Philip IV and made it impossible for Paris to carry out coordinated political and military action. [34] In addition, the French viceroys of Catalonia paid as little heed to its constitutions as the Spaniards had done before. The displeasure both among the Catalan population, who had to endure the excesses of the French mercenaries, and among the ruling classes grew, similar to before the unrest of 1639/40. [35] The connection between Catalonia and France had, from an economic point of view, also led to the loss of the southern Italian markets. So it came about that in 1652, at the height of the Fronde under Condé [36] and after a long siege by the troops of Juan José de Austria, an illegitimate son of Philip IV, Barcelona fell back to the Spanish crown and then many others Cities of Catalonia. The capital of the principality was reintegrated into the Spanish Empire by means of an ambiguous pact with Juan José de Austria and partly by force of arms. [37] However, peace only entered Catalonia in 1659 with the Treaty of the Pyrenees. It was a hard peace, because the county of Roussillon and some neighboring areas remained under French rule. But although Catalonia was unable to maintain its territorial unity during these stormy years, it managed to survive this difficult period while preserving its historical, political and linguistic independence, as well as its special institutions and a large part of its constitutional freedoms.

In the meantime, Portugal found itself favored by the fact that Catalonia was the main battlefield of the Spanish king. John IV was able to concentrate on the recovery of the overseas possessions that had been lost to the Dutch. His offensive became stronger when the United Provinces signed a peace treaty with Spain in 1646/47 and dissolved their alliance with France, Portugal's great protector. The French protection, however, was one at a distance, without the danger of annexation, as it had been exposed to Catalonia. In 1648 Portugal regained Angola and in 1654 the Brazilian territories conquered by the Dutch. [38] In the Indian Ocean, however, the Dutch were able to preserve most of the territories reclaimed from Portugal. With the economic backing of its colonies, its close ties to its own ruling dynasty and the military support of England [39] and France, the Portugal of the Restauraçao was able to successfully defend itself against the attacks of the weakened Philip IV monarchy between 1663 and 1665. Although the Spanish army under Juan José de Austria was still able to achieve temporary successes in 1663, it was defeated shortly afterwards at Ameixial (Estremoz) by the Portuguese with the support of the French troops under Marshal Schomberg. The Portuguese victory of Montes Claros in 1665 ended the war. [40] Nevertheless, it took a few years for the Spanish monarchy to officially recognize Portugal's independence. The peace and friendship treaty between the two states was only concluded after the death of Philip IV in 1668, who had never come to terms with the loss of the Portuguese kingdom. The Restauraçao of Portugal was hereby confirmed. In the previous decade, Lisbon had even considered an Iberian union: around 1649/50, John IV had been ready to abdicate in favor of his son Theodosius if he married Maria Theresa of Austria - at the time heiress of Philip IV - and both of them moved their court to Lisbon. Under this assumption, the history of Spain and Portugal would have remained closely linked, but possibly under the domination of Portugal.

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REMARKS - List of symbols for references

* Thanks to Joan-Lluis Palos and Fernando González del Campo for their help with the preparation of the text and the accompanying illustrations.
1. One of the contemporary authors who place the founding of the Spanish monarchy as an empire composed of different kingdoms and nations in the time of the Catholic Kings is Baltasar Gracián (Gracián 1646, pp. 9 and 11). Other authors saw the merit of the royal couple more in the fact that they brought the recovery of Spain as a unit to an end, as it did before the invasion of the Moors.
2. In the last few decades Helmut G. Königsberger, John H. Elliott and Xavier Gil have contributed to the revaluation of the expression "monarquía compuesta" as a designation for the Spanish monarchy. Regarding the status of Catalonia in the organization of the monarchy, see Molas 1996, pp. 11-21; Belenguer 1994.
3. The two most important were Don Antonio, Prior of Creato, and Catherine of Braganza, both also grandsons of Emanuel I.
4. In a way, an ambiguous compromise was reached: for the Portuguese these agreements were a binding pact; Castile, on the other hand, understood it more as the granting of royal graces; see Bouza 1987. Philip III. took his oath on Portuguese laws in Lisbon in 1619.
5. One of the classic works on the subject is Azevedo 1918; a bibliographical reference can be found in Pérez Samper 1992, p.75.
6. On the significant fluctuations between the expression "España" (in the singular) and "Españas" (in the plural) in contemporary literature, see also Sánchez-Marcos 1995, p. 12.
7. Olivares' plans were specially researched by Elliott in 1986. See key texts in Elliott / Peña 1978-1980.
8. On the Cortes, see Elliott 1963; regarding the representation of the estates in the Cortes, see Palos 1994; see also Congress 1991, organized by the Department de Cultura de la Generalitat de Catalunya.
9. On the growing tension between Catalonia and Madrid, see Elliott 1963, Zudaire 1964; on the Reglá gang mischief in 1966; Torres 1991.
10. The financial difficulties of Philip IV were examined by Ortiz in 1960 and Boyajian in 1982. Part of this financial burden is due to the help that the Spanish Habsburgs gave to the Austrian Habsburgs; see Ernst 1991. The increasing tax pressure caused by the war took place not only in Spain, but also in France, and was the cause of some uprisings such as that of the "Nu-Pieds" in Normandy in 1639.
11. The type of billeting "in the Lombardy style" - entirely at the expense of the people - which became common, contradicted the Catalonian constitutions, which considerably restricted the taxes paid by the peasants to the soldiers.
12. The current dispute over the interpretation (rebellion, revolta [unrest, uprising], revolution) of the Catalan uprising of 1640 is very extensive. See some contributions in Serra 1992; Tarrés 1992. An interpretation in Simon / Gil / Elliott 1992, pp. 17-43.
13. The term "Corpus de Sang" was first used in Angelón's 1858 story "Un Sorpus de Sange ó los Fueros de Catalunya".
14. Much of the material used in this propaganda battle was published by Ettinghausen in 1993. See also some texts of Catalan protonationalism in Serra 1995.
15. A relatively new monograph on Clarís, which summarizes and comments on earlier studies such as that of Rovira Virgili, is that of García Cárce 1985. The lawyer J. Pere Fontanella, Conseller en Cap (Council Chairman) of, also played a special role in the revolta Barcelona; see Palos 1997. A large number of works deal with the participation of jurists in the revolutionary unrest in Europe of the 1940s; Regarding the Fronde, see Moote 1971; for a more general presentation, see Part 3 in Asch / Duchhardt, pp. 167-273.
16. In the Junta de Braços, unlike in the Cortes, the presence of the king was not necessary. See the 1976 edition of the minutes of this meeting in Rubí.
17. The intervention in Catalonia brought Richelieu into a serious dilemma: should he, the champion of absolutism, help the subjects who rebelled against their king? Or would he miss the opportunity to have a bridgehead in Spain in his fight against the Habsburgs? Basic, if somewhat one-sided, on Paris' position on the Catalan Sanabre question in 1956.
18. "pactes y conditions ab que los Braços generals del Principat de Catalunya [...] posaren lo Principat y Comtats de Rossello y Cerdanya a la obediencia del Christianissim Rey de França, los quals se han de posar en lo jurament que sa Magestat y sos successors han de prestar en lo principi de son govern "An interesting aspect of these agreements is that they bear witness to a constitutional doctrine of maxima, expressed in a function of historical experience, in the face of which the Catalan ruling class a new political treaty for defense the ideal of self-government violated by Olivares closes. This view - the regaining of freedom - is repeated both in the Portuguese Restauraçao and in the English "Commonwealth", whose commemorative medal bears the inscription: "First year of freedom, regained by the blessing of God".
19. Witness to the battle was the Portuguese Francisco Manuel de Melo, to whom we owe the "Historia de los Movimientos y separación de Cataluña". It was started at the behest of the Vélez and published in Portugal when Melo was already advocating the Restauraçao (Melo 1645).
20. See Bouza 1993.
21. On this subject I refer to the Serrao 1967 study, in addition to the treatises by Antonio and Aurelio de Oliveira.
22. In the decade from 1630 onwards, the Dutch occupied the ports of the coasts of Guinea and Angola, from where the Portuguese sent the slaves to their Brazilian plantations. The Portuguese uprising took place a year after the Spanish defeat in the naval battle of Las Dunas (1639). At the beginning of 1640 the attempt to regain Pernambuco by the fleet sent by Philip IV had failed.
23. The opinion that in being appointed king the people acted in accord with the nobility is the interpretation of the first important official history of the Restauraçao (Ericeira 1679-1689). Valladares 1995 questioned this opinion, although he admits that after the proclamation "soportó los impuestos de la guerra con mejor disposición que antes de 1640" (ibid. P. 134). The interpretation of insurrection as gaining freedom is repeated in the writings of the contemporary author Sousa Macedo.
24. With regard to this assembly of estates, see Verissimo Serrao 1980; Reis Torgal 1981/82; Hespanha 1992.
25. From the constitutional standpoint, Francisco Velasco de Gouveia was the most important theoretician of the Restoration. The image of Portugal as a republic of republics is used by Joao Pinto Ribeiro, one of the best lawyers and agents in the service of John IV, author of two works published in 1646 at a critical moment of the Münster Congress (Pinto Ribeiro 1646; Pinto Ribeiro 1646a ).
26. The only exception was the city of Ceuta in North Africa, which continued to regard the Spanish king as its head.
27. On this question, the studies for Portugal are more complete than those for Catalonia. See Marques 1983; Bouza 1986; González 1984.
28. With regard to the legations, see Perez 1992, pp. 265-313; Brazao 1979. See also references 3092-3108 in Duchhardt 1996, pp. 295-296.
29. With regard to those who emigrated to Philipp, see Vidal 1984. On the basis of Vidal's data, Eva Serra has calculated that around 23 percent of the nobles present in the 1626 estates emigrated; see Serra 1992, p. 62.
30. The back and forth of this implication is one of the great themes of the Book of Sanabre 1956. The ambassador Pierre de Marca represented the interests of the French government permanently in Catalonia, while the viceroys changed rapidly.
31.In Sánchez-Marcos I deal with the similarities and differences in the attitude of Catalonia towards the political communities concerned; the corresponding sources are named in this article.
32. With regard to the posting and activities of Fontanella, see Sánchez-Marcos; Costa / Quintana / Serra 1991.
33. For the work and efforts of Representatives of John IV, see Cardim's in-depth article [in press].
34. The new studies of the Fronde, such as that of Ranum in 1993 and Pernot in 1994, lead to a better understanding of the crisis of the French state, the involvement of some key figures in his army in Catalonia (such as d'Harcourt and Marchin) and the neglect of its responsibility to Catalonia opposite, which had a deeply discouraging impact on the pro-French Catalans.
35. The French viceroys, for example, introduced the control of names for the drawing of the offices of the Consell de Cent.
36. It was this Condé, who inflicted one of its worst defeats in the army of Philip IV in Rocroi in 1643, promoted the return of Barcelona and much of Catalonia to Spain in 1652 through his role in the Fronde and his alliance with Spain Rich.
37. On the reintroduction of Catalonia and its new status, see Sánchez-Marcos 1983; recently in 1992 Torras highlighted the clear repression in some of the Court's decisions concerning Barcelona after 1652. In order to see the connection between this oppression in a time tending towards absolutism, it suffices to recall the treatment of Prague in 1620, Naples in 1648, and Paris after the Fronde.
38. Regarding the recovery of the Portuguese Empire, see Boxer 1952; Cabral Mello 1979.
39. In 1660, after the restoration of the English monarchy, the Anglo-Portuguese alliance of 1642 was renewed and Catherine of Braganza married Charles III. decided by England. The princess brought Tangier and Bombay as a dowry into the marriage, and Charles III. Portugal promised military aid.
40. Portuguese historiography has always paid special attention to this phase of the Spanish-Portuguese fratricidal war, because it consolidates the freedom of Portugal with the victories in the "grandes batalhas" (Serrao 1980, p. 53). Kamen 1981, pp. 98-102 showed the severe consequences of this war for the Spanish regions bordering Portugal. For the final phase of the war, see Cortés 1985; Castillo 1992, pp. 155-194.
41. The letters of the Jesuit Vieira, who was sent to Rome to investigate the project, were published by Azevedo in 1970. See also Batllori 1971.